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Opinion

The real crime is turning a blind eye to forced marriage in the first place

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turning a blind eye to forced marriage

An investigation conducted by the Times of London has revealed that the British government is asking UK victims of forced marriage who are sent overseas to cover the cost of their own rescue. According to the paper, victims who muster the courage to escape their fate before being wed to men they do not know are told they must repay the cost of their repatriation to the UK should they not be able to come up with the necessary funds immediately. According to the Times, the British Foreign Office confiscates victims’ passports until they have repaid their “debt”, and even adds 10% interest in the event they are unable to settle in full within six months.

The paper’s revelations have rightly prompted British Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt to call for an investigation into its findings, as well as drawing condemnation from commentators expressing disgust that the government could behave in such an abhorrent fashion. But while it is of course an outrage that young girls who have been betrayed by their own families should be forced to pay to secure their freedom and safety, the real scandal is that authorities are not intervening before they are sent overseas to be married to total strangers in the first place.

Unfortunately for them, it would appear that the cultural shift brought about by the “Me Too” and “Time’s Up” movements has yet to benefit victims of forced marriage, who are sent to countries they might never have been to, in most cases by their own relatives, to be forcibly married to typically much older men they have not met. As has been the case in the past with Asian paedophile grooming gangs and suspected cases of female genital mutilation, it is thought that police and social workers in Britain have been reluctant to intervene in cases of forced marriage through fear of being labelled “racist”. A blind eye is said to often be turned when female students from certain cultural backgrounds disappear from schools or colleges for no good reason, with authorities apparently just expecting this to happen with girls from some minority communities.

In August of last year, a separate investigation conducted by the Times found that the UK Home Office had been issuing visas to foreign men who had forcibly married young British girls, some of whom had been raped and made pregnant abroad in an apparent attempt to make their husbands’ applications for permission to enter the UK more likely to succeed. It was claimed that victims had been sent to countries such as Pakistan, Bangladesh and India to be made pregnant by their new husbands, before being returned back to Britain to give birth. At this point, victims’ husbands would apply for a UK visa, using the fact that their wives and children were already in the UK as leverage.

Despite evidence suggesting that this and similar practices have been routinely taking place in Britain for decades, the first forced marriage conviction in the UK was only secured in 2015, highlighting how woeful authorities’ response to the problem has been. While forced marriage is illegal in Britain, with offenders found guilty of the crime facing up to seven years behind bars, convictions are far and few between, suggesting that hundreds if not thousands of young girls are being forced  into marriages against their will with little hope of intervention.

With victims often too afraid to come forward, and police and social workers seemingly too afraid to intervene due to political correctness, it looks likely that these girls will continue to be exploited unless there is real institutional change. If any progress is to be made, police, teachers and social workers must be trained how to spot the signs that young girls might be at risk of forced marriage. At the same time, the stigma of calling out such practices must end, with any suggestion that doing so is in any way racist being dismissed.

If we are to be candid, the practice of forced marriage can involve or lead to all manner of other crimes, including child sexual exploitation, kidnap, rape, modern slavery and illegal immigration. Is it not “racist” to turn a blind eye when these offences occur within minority communities when they would in most cases be doggedly investigated and prosecuted when found in society at large? It should go without saying that victims of forced marriage should not have to pay for their own rescue, and one would hope that the revelations uncovered by the Times will lead to this rather cruel policy being brought to an end as soon as possible. However, it is undoubtedly more important that western societies do not allow cultural relativism or fear of being labelled racist prevent the investigation of a revolting crime that causes victims immeasurable harm and suffering.

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Opinion

An almost endless supply of vulnerable victims makes it all but impossible to stamp out vishing fraud

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stamp out vishing fraud

Despite the fact that western consumers have long been warned to be on their guard when divulging personal information over the phone, vishing fraud remains a major money spinner for organised criminal networks across the globe. At the beginning of this month, new data released by the US Federal Trade Commission (FTC) revealed that vishing scams targeting American taxpayers rocketed more than 20-fold in 2018. Over the course of the year, the agency received 63,000 reports of scammers contacting members of the public by phone pretending to be calling from the Social Security Administration (SSA) regarding a tax issue, which was up from 3,200 similar incidents in 2017. While only 3% of those who reported being targeted in this type of scam admitted to suffering a loss in 2018, the total amount paid out to fraudsters over the year was $16.6 million, which worked out to $1,484 per victim.

Vishing, a term that refers to the practice of contacting potential fraud victims by phone in much the same way that cyber scammers use email during phishing campaigns, shows little sign of declining in the US or elsewhere. While it may be the case that law enforcement agencies all over the world have run numerous awareness-raising campaigns about the threat vishing fraudsters pose, there will always be victims vulnerable enough to fall prey to such scams. As such, it is only a numbers game for the organised criminal gangs behind this type of fraud. It is true that more people are alive to the risk of vishing fraud than were a decade or so ago, but this just means vishing scammers simply need to make more calls in pursuit of victims who will be likely to fall for their spiel.

Indeed, vishing scam fraudsters have been caught describing their ideal victims on a number of occasions. Only this week, reporters from the UK’s Daily Mail investigating a vishing call centre in India captured some of its “workers” on film saying their preferred targets are old and rich, or immigrants to the UK with a less than perfect grasp of English. Members of the gang behind the call centre said new immigrants to the UK could be threatened with deportation if they failed to pay bogus tax demands. Some victims of vishing and other types of fraud even have their names added to so-called “mugs’ lists” if they hand money over. Their details can then be passed to other fraudsters conducting different types of scams, who can then attempt to con more money out of them.

It is typically the case that call centres from which vishing operations that target victims in western nations are based in developing countries, meaning that the gangs behind them can pay operatives low wages. This also makes it less likely that they will attract the attention of law enforcement authorities, not least on account of the fact that they operate outside of the jurisdiction of police in the countries in which they target victims. The fact that many of the workers who staff these types of operations speak poor English can often be a giveaway for potential victims, but might not be sign something is wrong for vulnerable people.

While vishing might be a relatively low tech form of fraud, the ruthlessness with which its perpetrators successfully target society’s most vulnerable make it an incredibly effective and profitable one. Information campaigns about vishing are all well and good, and have been effective when it comes to educating general populations about the threat. The fact of the matter is though that they often fail to reach vulnerable sections of society. Sadly, in many countries around the world, vishing fraud victims have little protection, and once they lose their money, it is gone forever. This seems inordinately unfair, and lets banks that facilitate payments or transfers to fraudsters off the hook.

Financial institutions should have a legal responsibility to monitor the accounts of vulnerable customers for suspicious activity. Some vishing scam victims are conned into transferring huge sums of money to fraudsters, sometimes losing their life savings in these types of scams. While it may not help when it comes to smaller amounts, banks should be compelled to put a hold on large payments being processed through the accounts of vulnerable customers, and investigate the veracity of any such transfers before they are processed. If they fail to do so, it should be incumbent on the financial institution in question to reimburse victims for any resultant losses. If measures such as these are not put in place, vishing scammers will be able to carry on targeting the vulnerable with near impunity, resulting in thousands of lives being ruined as a consequence.

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Opinion

Western governments have a responsibility to prevent paedophiles abusing children in countries such as the Philippines

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Relatively speaking, western law enforcement agencies have made great progress when it comes to targeting paedophiles in recent years. While the example of “Asian” street grooming gangs avoiding punishment for decades in countries such as the UK might suggest otherwise, along with the seemingly never-ending abuse scandal in the Catholic Church, on the whole, police in western nations now take the issue of child sexual exploitation a lot more seriously than they did as recently as 10 years ago. As a consequence, paedophiles living in the west who wish to act on their sexual interest in children must now do so with a great deal more caution than they once did. For those unwilling to seek treatment to stop them from acting on their urges, the answer to this problem often involves turning to nations where child protection laws are not as effective as those in their home countries.

Unfortunately, it has long been the case that western paedophiles have sought to abuse children in poorer parts of the world such as Southeast Asia, but with the widening availability of low-cost air travel and high-speed internet access, doing so has become easier than ever, either in person or remotely over the internet. This has led to a burgeoning child sexual exploitation industry in countries such as the Philippines that has continued to grow as western law enforcement agencies have sought to do more to target paedophiles both on and offline domestically. As a result, an illicit trade has emerged that involves impoverished Filipino families accepting money from organised criminal gangs in exchange for allowing their children to be abused in front of webcams to satisfy the desires of western paedophiles, many of whom have become wise to the threat of being arrested by police in the countries in which they live.

In an attempt to clamp down on the growing problem, a coalition of law enforcement agencies last week opened a new centre in the Philippines designed to help local investigators better deal with the online sexual exploitation of children across the Southeast Asian country. Launched partly in response to local gangs livestreaming bespoke sex shows featuring local children over apps such as Skype, the Philippine Internet Crimes Against Children Centre (PICACC) is intended to equip local law enforcement agencies with the skills and technology they require to locate and bring to justice the gangs behind these types of crimes. Official government figures demonstrate the scale of the problem, showing that in 2017 alone there were almost 45,700 reported incidents of child online sexual exploitation in the Philippines, with around half of victims rescued by investigators aged 12 or younger. The true number of incidents is almost certain to be much higher, with anecdotal evidence suggesting the Philippines remains a mecca for western paedophiles.

At the end of February, a female member of a Filipino child-snatching gang explained from behind bars how she and her associates kidnapped minors from the streets to sell onto paedophiles from the west. Speaking from her prison cell after being caught by police attempting to abduct a 10-year-old girl in Paranaque City, Lilibeth Bustamante told reporters how she was paid the equivalent of just $20 to carry out the kidnapping, and that the children she and other gangs members procured would be sold on for as little as $3,550. She said: “I only take them, they sell. They only give me one thousand pesos. I send it to my family in Mindoro. We have a quota of two children per week. Our target age is 10-years-old and above.” Bustamante’s evidence suggests there remains a high demand for children in the Philippines from western paedophiles such as Australian Peter Gerard Scully, who was sentenced to life in the country last year after being dubbed one the world’s most depraved child rapists, and Briton Douglas Slade, who is being sued while in a UK jail by his alleged Filipino victims.

It is encouraging that that the likes of the UK National Crime Agency (NCA) and the Australian Federal Police (AFP) are helping authorities in the Philippines target the organised criminal gangs that are profiting from procuring and exploiting children for western paedophiles, but the establishment of the PICACC should form the basis of a wider effort to tackle the issue. Western governments have a responsibility to ensure that paedophiles from their countries are not able to harm children in poorer nations. As well as funding more initiatives such as the PICACC, this means taking greater steps to prevent child abusers from travelling to these countries, as well as limiting their access to the internet to make sure they are unable to pay to view children being abused in developing nations.

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Illicit Tobacco & Alcohol Trade

“Legal and illegal trade in tobacco products are often intertwined”

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multi-million dollar tobacco smuggling gang

Illicit Trade News Networks has interviewed Benoît Gomis, research associate at the Global Tobacco Control Research Programme at Simon Fraser University who has recently published a study on the illicit trade in South America. From the beginning of the illegal trade seeded by British American Tobacco and Philip Morris International to the ongoing trade organised by Tabesa, Benoît Gomis gives a clear picture of how legal and illegal are intertwined as long as tobacco products are involved.

Illicit Trade News Network: You recently published a study on illicit tobacco trafficking in South America and more specifically in Paraguay. Can you go back over the figures from this study in a few words?

My colleagues and I just published two papers in Globalization and Health on Paraguay’s illicit tobacco trade.

In the first paper, we demonstrate how the trade was originally seeded by British American Tobacco (BAT) and Philip Morris International (PMI), who from the 1960s onwards used Paraguay as a transit hub to smuggle their cigarettes to the then protected markets of Argentina and Brazil. Two developments later led to a boom in Paraguayan production: 1) the transnational tobacco companies (TTCs)’ switch from high-end to cheap smuggled brands in the late 1980s and early 1990s – products with which local manufacturers could now compete, and 2) Brazil’s introduction of a 150% export tax to end the TTC scheme – by which cigarettes were sent to Paraguay and then re-smuggled to Brazil. Based on our estimates, between 1989 and 1994, Paraguayan cigarette production was below the annual domestic consumption of three billion cigarettes. It grew to 12 billion sticks by 1998 and 27 billion by 2003 despite stagnating consumption.

In the second paper, we document how Tabacalera del Este (most commonly known as Tabesa) capitalized on the conditions created by BAT and PMI and a permitting regulatory environment. Created in 1994, Tabesa is now one of Paraguay’s largest companies. It was founded and is still owned by Horacio Cartes who was President of Paraguay between 2013 and 2018. Based on data on the company’s imports of cigarette components, we estimate that Tabesa imports enough to produce 25-36 billion cigarette sticks per year. Given domestic consumption and legal export figures, this means that between 19-30 billion cigarettes produced by Tabesa annually end up on the illicit market. An estimated 70% of that is smuggled to Brazil, and our research finds that Tabesa has been exploring other international markets.

Tabesa executives notably told Paraguayan journalists that the company legally exports to a number of countries, including Bulgaria, Curaćao, the Netherlands Antilles and the Netherlands. However, our analysis of UN Comtrade data shows significant discrepancies, suggesting illicit trade. For instance, between 2001 and 2016, there were no cigarette exports reported by Paraguay to Bulgaria, nor any cigarette imports reported by Bulgaria from Paraguay. In that same period, Paraguay reported exports of 1.4 billion cigarettes to Curaçao, 481.2 million cigarettes to the Netherlands Antilles, and 111.4 million cigarettes to the Netherlands, yet none of those countries reported any cigarette imports from Paraguay. In total, between 2001 and 2016, 5.7 billion cigarettes officially shipped by Paraguay to 10 markets where Tabesa exported to were unaccounted for.

 

What are the major findings of your study on the modus operandi of tobacco trafficking?

Our findings suggest that the legal and illegal trade in tobacco products are often intertwined. BAT, PMI, and Tabesa have all had legal sales and legal exports, and yet have also used the illicit trade – in particular through free trade zones (FTZs) and other areas of weak governance – to enter new markets and increase their revenue. We also argue that Tabesa has used its legal exports to the US as a defence against smuggling accusations. More broadly, these papers – and other research we have conducted – suggest that the illicit tobacco trade is changing its nature. There are still signs of TTC complicity in the illicit trade, but other non-TTC actors are increasingly involved as well. Meanwhile, TTCs are attempting to recast themselves as responsible partners to governments by providing intelligence, training, equipment, financial resources and even influencing budget decisions in various countries across Latin America, while also commissioning and funding studies on the illicit trade and framing the issue in the media. It is of course in their interest to do so. Through these activities, TTCs aim to undermine competitors and fight against tobacco control measures that have been effective in reducing smoking rates (e.g. higher taxes, plain packaging).

 

In your study, you mention tactics allegedly used by Tabesa, PMI and BAT tactics in terms of illicit tobacco trafficking. What are these tactics?

These include: 1) creating new brands, manufacturing them domestically, exporting them illegally, using the revenue to reinvest in product development and production facilities to produce more cigarettes to a higher standard and thus compete for new markets overseas; 2) using free trade zones as transit hubs for smuggling; and 3) selling to a large number of domestic distributors and later arguing that subsequent illicit exports are not their responsibility.

 

What measures could countries plagued by illicit tobacco trafficking take at the national level?

The first measure is to tackle industry interference with policy making. TTCs are attempting to circumvent international guidelines to reclaim influence in tobacco control by supporting governments to tackle the illicit tobacco trade. But as the WHO warns, “There is a fundamental and irreconcilable conflict between the tobacco industry’s interests and public health policy interests.”

Second, governments would do well to increase resources dedicated to relevant law enforcement and customs departments – including adequate training independent of the tobacco industry.

Third, more data should be collected and analyzed independently of the tobacco industry. Very often there is much we do not know about the illicit tobacco trade in any said country, meaning that policy responses often rely on potentially misleading seizure figures and industry-funded data.

More broadly speaking, the more fundamental issues of weak governance, institutional capacity, political will, transparency, accountability, and corruption need to be tackled for any substantial progress to be made.

 

What measures could be taken at the international level and in terms of traceability?

Governments should fully implement the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control and its Protocol to Eliminate Illicit Trade in Tobacco Products.

Our research played an important role in the Paraguayan government’s decision to sign the Protocol, a step in the right direction. The Protocol features a number of useful action points, including Article 10.1.b which notes that Parties shall “take the necessary measures” so that companies “[supply] tobacco products or manufacturing equipment in amounts commensurate with the demand for such products within the intended market of retail sale or use”.

Article 8 on Tracking and Tracing is perhaps the most central one, however. It notes that “the Parties agree to establish within five years of entry into force of this Protocol a global tracking and tracing regime”. Under the traceability system of the Protocol, detailed information on the entirety of the tobacco supply chain is for instance required, including “the name, invoice, order number and payment records of the first customer not affiliated to the manufacturer”, “the intended market of retail sale”, “any warehousing and shipping”, “the identity of any known subsequent purchaser”, and “the intended shipment route, the shipment date, shipment destination, point of departure and consignee” (Article 8.4.1). This system is intended to “further [secure] the supply chain and to assist in the investigation of illicit trade in tobacco products”. However, it is currently at risk of being controlled by the tobacco industry. Further research on this development and caution from governments are required to ensure that the track and trace measures put in place across the world effectively mitigate the illicit tobacco trade, rather than promote the commercial interests of TTCs at the expense of public health and good governance.

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